Calls for urgent action to stop a humanitarian catastrophe in western Sudan are growing around the world. (Pic: Reuters)
African Union troops who are protecting millions of refugees in the Darfur region are due to leave the region in 12 days.
The United Nations wants a peacekeeping force to take over but that plan has been firmly rejected by the Sudanese government.
Peace activists across the globe staged a day of action to highlight the "forgotten war" in Darfur where tens of thousands of people have been killed and
more than two million left homeless.
Yesterday, Christian, Muslim and Jewish leaders delivered a plea and said prayers outside Downing Street and demonstrators rallied outside Sudan's
embassy.
Prime Minister Tony Blair has said he would propose an incentive package for Sudan to accept the troops as part of a new initiative to end the crisis.
In New York, around 20,000 protesters flocked to a Central Park rally and urged the US government to put pressure on Sudan to stop the killings and
displacements and allow UN peacekeepers to enter the country.
"The world must act and it must do so now because time is not on our side," said former US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright.
In Rwanda - scene of a 1994 genocide which some have evoked in comparison with the Darfur crisis - survivors of the slaughter that killed 800,000
people called for action.
Darfur has been plagued by political and ethnic violence since 2003 when rebels took up arms against the government.
A new estimate of the number of people killed in Darfur published last week put the toll at 200,000 or more.
Western leaders, some African presidents and humanitarian groups are piling pressure on Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir to accept a UN
resolution to deploy more than 20,000 UN peacekeepers.
UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan warned last week of "yet more death and suffering, perhaps on a catastrophic scale" if the government in Khartoum
does not allow international peacekeepers into the region.
African Union troops who are protecting millions of refugees in the Darfur region are due to leave the region in 12 days.
The United Nations wants a peacekeeping force to take over but that plan has been firmly rejected by the Sudanese government.
Peace activists across the globe staged a day of action to highlight the "forgotten war" in Darfur where tens of thousands of people have been killed and
more than two million left homeless.
Yesterday, Christian, Muslim and Jewish leaders delivered a plea and said prayers outside Downing Street and demonstrators rallied outside Sudan's
embassy.
Prime Minister Tony Blair has said he would propose an incentive package for Sudan to accept the troops as part of a new initiative to end the crisis.
In New York, around 20,000 protesters flocked to a Central Park rally and urged the US government to put pressure on Sudan to stop the killings and
displacements and allow UN peacekeepers to enter the country.
"The world must act and it must do so now because time is not on our side," said former US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright.
In Rwanda - scene of a 1994 genocide which some have evoked in comparison with the Darfur crisis - survivors of the slaughter that killed 800,000
people called for action.
Darfur has been plagued by political and ethnic violence since 2003 when rebels took up arms against the government.
A new estimate of the number of people killed in Darfur published last week put the toll at 200,000 or more.
Western leaders, some African presidents and humanitarian groups are piling pressure on Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir to accept a UN
resolution to deploy more than 20,000 UN peacekeepers.
UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan warned last week of "yet more death and suffering, perhaps on a catastrophic scale" if the government in Khartoum
does not allow international peacekeepers into the region.
Although Sudan remains on Washington's official list of state sponsors of terrorism, Khartoum has been cooperating with the CIA and other US
intelligence agencies on issues involving Islamic militants. Since 2001, the US State Department's annual reports on world terrorism patterns have noted
Khartoum's assistance. A recent Los Angeles Times article lays out how the relationship evolved from Khartoum's sharing of intelligence files to
detaining and expelling Islamic militants from Sudan in close coordination with the CIA.
Washington believes that leaning on Khartoum too hard for its role in the crisis in Darfur might disrupt the tightly entwined relationship between US and
Sudanese intelligence agencies. It demonstrated its change in position with a March 25 fact sheet prepared by the State Department. In it, Washington
argues that the death toll in Darfur is much lower than any previous independent estimates put forth.
Whereas the World Health Organization's estimated death toll for March to mid-October 2004 was 70,000, Washington's new statistical assessment
estimates that there may have been as few as 60,000 deaths as a result of the fighting in Darfur to date.
The organization hired by the US Agency for International Development has reported a death toll as high as 400,000. The number 200,000 tends to be
the figure at the lower end of most extrapolations, but the US State Department's high-end estimate was 146,000 ``excess'' deaths. This lower death toll
is intended to make Washington's current non-position on Darfur more tenable; however, it also opens the door for other states and organizations to
assume the role that the United States once played in Darfur.
The UN, EU and NATO will now take the lead in bolstering the ability of the African Union troops to functionally operate in Darfur. The EU has pledged to
provide the air transport for the thousands of AU troops promised to Darfur who have not been able to make the journey.
NATO has said it will make its African debut by supporting the AU mission to Darfur, though the support will be under the radar so as not to take the
spotlight off the AU troops' role.
On Friday, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan paid his second visit to Darfur, following a donors' conference in Ethiopia intended to raise funds and
support for the AU mission.
The increased presence of multilateral organizations in Darfur, always aimed at supporting the AU mission, has been made possible by the exit of a
robust US presence in the crisis. However, their presence also means a shift in tactics towards resolving the conflict. It can be expected that any solution
to the crisis will not emerge from military intervention or a bold new approach but rather through a course designated by international law.
As the EU and UN increase their diplomatic presence in Sudan, the long-stalled negotiations between the western rebels and Khartoum may be brought
back into the spotlight while the International Criminal Court investigations will be used as a stick to push Khartoum into accepting a negotiated
settlement.
intelligence agencies on issues involving Islamic militants. Since 2001, the US State Department's annual reports on world terrorism patterns have noted
Khartoum's assistance. A recent Los Angeles Times article lays out how the relationship evolved from Khartoum's sharing of intelligence files to
detaining and expelling Islamic militants from Sudan in close coordination with the CIA.
Washington believes that leaning on Khartoum too hard for its role in the crisis in Darfur might disrupt the tightly entwined relationship between US and
Sudanese intelligence agencies. It demonstrated its change in position with a March 25 fact sheet prepared by the State Department. In it, Washington
argues that the death toll in Darfur is much lower than any previous independent estimates put forth.
Whereas the World Health Organization's estimated death toll for March to mid-October 2004 was 70,000, Washington's new statistical assessment
estimates that there may have been as few as 60,000 deaths as a result of the fighting in Darfur to date.
The organization hired by the US Agency for International Development has reported a death toll as high as 400,000. The number 200,000 tends to be
the figure at the lower end of most extrapolations, but the US State Department's high-end estimate was 146,000 ``excess'' deaths. This lower death toll
is intended to make Washington's current non-position on Darfur more tenable; however, it also opens the door for other states and organizations to
assume the role that the United States once played in Darfur.
The UN, EU and NATO will now take the lead in bolstering the ability of the African Union troops to functionally operate in Darfur. The EU has pledged to
provide the air transport for the thousands of AU troops promised to Darfur who have not been able to make the journey.
NATO has said it will make its African debut by supporting the AU mission to Darfur, though the support will be under the radar so as not to take the
spotlight off the AU troops' role.
On Friday, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan paid his second visit to Darfur, following a donors' conference in Ethiopia intended to raise funds and
support for the AU mission.
The increased presence of multilateral organizations in Darfur, always aimed at supporting the AU mission, has been made possible by the exit of a
robust US presence in the crisis. However, their presence also means a shift in tactics towards resolving the conflict. It can be expected that any solution
to the crisis will not emerge from military intervention or a bold new approach but rather through a course designated by international law.
As the EU and UN increase their diplomatic presence in Sudan, the long-stalled negotiations between the western rebels and Khartoum may be brought
back into the spotlight while the International Criminal Court investigations will be used as a stick to push Khartoum into accepting a negotiated
settlement.
Militias backing Sudan's government have killed at least 63 people in attacks in Darfur in the past week, African peacekeepers say.
At least 27 of the victims are thought to be children under the age of 12.
The attacks were on camps for the displaced in the rebel stronghold of Jebel Moon, in West Darfur.
The government says it is disarming the Janjaweed militia but a BBC correspondent in Sudan says all the evidence points to the exact opposite.
United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan has urged the Sudanese government to restrain the militias following the attacks.
Terrified
Militia wearing government uniforms, on camels and horseback, swept into eight villages and camps in Jebel Moon on 29 October.
The African Union (AU) investigation team has just returned from the area to make its report.
The area is a stronghold of the National Redemption Front (NRF) alliance, one of the Darfur rebel group which refused to sign up to a peace deal in
May.
"The government have begun mobilising the Janjaweed widely, especially in West Darfur, because they want to clear the area and move
north along the border and defeat us," said the NRF's Bahr Idriss Abu Garda.
The BBC's Jonah Fisher in Darfur says that all along the long border with Chad, villagers are fleeing terrified as the Janjaweed aggressively take up
positions in key towns.
Three years ago, at the start of the Darfur crisis, the Janjaweed cleared hundreds of villages, displacing more than two million people.
With morale in the Sudanese army reported to be low, Khartoum seems to have turned once again to their most brutal of allies, our correspondent says.
Some 200,000 people have died in Darfur, with the Arab Janjaweed accused of ethnic cleansing against black Africans.
Sudan's government says the scale of the problems has been exaggerated and resists plans for the United Nations to take over the peacekeeping force
from the AU.
At least 27 of the victims are thought to be children under the age of 12.
The attacks were on camps for the displaced in the rebel stronghold of Jebel Moon, in West Darfur.
The government says it is disarming the Janjaweed militia but a BBC correspondent in Sudan says all the evidence points to the exact opposite.
United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan has urged the Sudanese government to restrain the militias following the attacks.
Terrified
Militia wearing government uniforms, on camels and horseback, swept into eight villages and camps in Jebel Moon on 29 October.
The African Union (AU) investigation team has just returned from the area to make its report.
The area is a stronghold of the National Redemption Front (NRF) alliance, one of the Darfur rebel group which refused to sign up to a peace deal in
May.
"The government have begun mobilising the Janjaweed widely, especially in West Darfur, because they want to clear the area and move
north along the border and defeat us," said the NRF's Bahr Idriss Abu Garda.
The BBC's Jonah Fisher in Darfur says that all along the long border with Chad, villagers are fleeing terrified as the Janjaweed aggressively take up
positions in key towns.
Three years ago, at the start of the Darfur crisis, the Janjaweed cleared hundreds of villages, displacing more than two million people.
With morale in the Sudanese army reported to be low, Khartoum seems to have turned once again to their most brutal of allies, our correspondent says.
Some 200,000 people have died in Darfur, with the Arab Janjaweed accused of ethnic cleansing against black Africans.
Sudan's government says the scale of the problems has been exaggerated and resists plans for the United Nations to take over the peacekeeping force
from the AU.
The Janjaweed militia in Darfur are fighting with direct support and orders from Sudan's government, a man claiming to be a former member has told
the BBC.
"Ali" said he had taken part in attacks on Darfur villages after they had been bombed by the Sudanese air force.
He said he had seen ministers at training camps for the pro-government Arab militia.
Khartoum has always denied any links to the Janjaweed, who have been accused of war crimes against civilians in Darfur.
More than two million people have fled their homes during the three-year conflict.
'Military uniforms'
A man identified only as "Ali" told the BBC's Newsnight programme that Sudanese ministers gave express orders for the activities of his unit, which
included rape and killing children.
the BBC.
"Ali" said he had taken part in attacks on Darfur villages after they had been bombed by the Sudanese air force.
He said he had seen ministers at training camps for the pro-government Arab militia.
Khartoum has always denied any links to the Janjaweed, who have been accused of war crimes against civilians in Darfur.
More than two million people have fled their homes during the three-year conflict.
'Military uniforms'
A man identified only as "Ali" told the BBC's Newsnight programme that Sudanese ministers gave express orders for the activities of his unit, which
included rape and killing children.
The Janjaweed don't make decisions. The orders always come from the government," he said.
"They gave us orders, and they say that after we are trained they will give us guns and ammunition."
"Ali" - who is now seeking asylum in Britain - said the men who had trained them were wearing the uniforms of the Sudanese military, adding that Interior
Minister Abdul Rahim Muhammad Hussein was a "regular visitor".
The former fighter said the majority of the victims were civilians, mostly women, and also talked of "many rapes" committed by the Janjaweed.
"Whenever we go into a village and find resistance we kill everyone," he said, but denied that he personally killed or raped civilians.
Hilary Benn, a British government minister who visited Darfur on Monday, said the man's evidence was "clearly very serious".
Mr Benn urged him to speak to investigators from the International Criminal Court.
Khartoum denials
The conflict began in the arid and impoverished region after a rebel group began attacking government targets, saying the region was being neglected
by Khartoum.
The rebels say the government is oppressing black Africans in favour of Arabs.
Khartoum has always denied backing the Arab militias, saying the problems in its rebel Darfur region are being exaggerated for political reasons.
President Omar al-Bashir has called them "thieves and gangsters".
After strong international pressure and the threat of sanctions, the government promised to disarm the Janjaweed.
But so far there is little evidence this has happened
"They gave us orders, and they say that after we are trained they will give us guns and ammunition."
"Ali" - who is now seeking asylum in Britain - said the men who had trained them were wearing the uniforms of the Sudanese military, adding that Interior
Minister Abdul Rahim Muhammad Hussein was a "regular visitor".
The former fighter said the majority of the victims were civilians, mostly women, and also talked of "many rapes" committed by the Janjaweed.
"Whenever we go into a village and find resistance we kill everyone," he said, but denied that he personally killed or raped civilians.
Hilary Benn, a British government minister who visited Darfur on Monday, said the man's evidence was "clearly very serious".
Mr Benn urged him to speak to investigators from the International Criminal Court.
Khartoum denials
The conflict began in the arid and impoverished region after a rebel group began attacking government targets, saying the region was being neglected
by Khartoum.
The rebels say the government is oppressing black Africans in favour of Arabs.
Khartoum has always denied backing the Arab militias, saying the problems in its rebel Darfur region are being exaggerated for political reasons.
President Omar al-Bashir has called them "thieves and gangsters".
After strong international pressure and the threat of sanctions, the government promised to disarm the Janjaweed.
But so far there is little evidence this has happened
At least 63 people, half of them children, have been killed in attacks by Janjaweed militias in West Darfur.
Rebels have accused Khartoum of remobilising Arab militia or Janjaweed after suffering two military defeats on the Sudan-Chad border.
Bahr Idriss Abu Garda, a leader of the National Redemption Front (NRF), said: "The government have begun mobilising the Janjaweed widely,
especially in West Darfur, because they want to clear the area and move north along the border and defeat us."
Rebels from the NRF alliance said of the 63 dead, 33 were children. The United Nations said 27 of those were under 12 and urged the government to
protect civilians.
A struggling African Union force, monitoring a widely ignored peace deal, said up to 92 people may have been killed in the attack on October 29 on at
least four villages in the Jabel Moun area, where rebel and government forces are present.
AU soldiers said the government was also bombing regularly in the area around and north of Tine town on the Sudan-Chad border. The last
bombardment was on October 23.
Sudanese officials deny the reports saying they have not mobilised Arab militia and the army denies using its Antonov planes, which would be a violation
of a UN Security Council resolution.
Experts estimate 200,000 people have been killed and 2.5 million forced from their homes in more than three years of revolt in Darfur. Mostly non-Arab
rebels took up arms accusing central government of neglect.
Khartoum turned to militias, known locally as Janjaweed and mainly from Arab tribes, to quell the revolt.
Those militia stand accused of a widespread campaign of rape, murder and looting, which the US calls genocide.
The government denies genocide but the International Criminal Court is investigating alleged war crimes in Darfur.
Rebels have accused Khartoum of remobilising Arab militia or Janjaweed after suffering two military defeats on the Sudan-Chad border.
Bahr Idriss Abu Garda, a leader of the National Redemption Front (NRF), said: "The government have begun mobilising the Janjaweed widely,
especially in West Darfur, because they want to clear the area and move north along the border and defeat us."
Rebels from the NRF alliance said of the 63 dead, 33 were children. The United Nations said 27 of those were under 12 and urged the government to
protect civilians.
A struggling African Union force, monitoring a widely ignored peace deal, said up to 92 people may have been killed in the attack on October 29 on at
least four villages in the Jabel Moun area, where rebel and government forces are present.
AU soldiers said the government was also bombing regularly in the area around and north of Tine town on the Sudan-Chad border. The last
bombardment was on October 23.
Sudanese officials deny the reports saying they have not mobilised Arab militia and the army denies using its Antonov planes, which would be a violation
of a UN Security Council resolution.
Experts estimate 200,000 people have been killed and 2.5 million forced from their homes in more than three years of revolt in Darfur. Mostly non-Arab
rebels took up arms accusing central government of neglect.
Khartoum turned to militias, known locally as Janjaweed and mainly from Arab tribes, to quell the revolt.
Those militia stand accused of a widespread campaign of rape, murder and looting, which the US calls genocide.
The government denies genocide but the International Criminal Court is investigating alleged war crimes in Darfur.
| THERE IS A HORROR IN OUR WORLD KNOWN AS THE JANJAWEED. THEY ARE A RESULT OF ADOPTED HATRED FROM EUROPEAN CONQUERORS. WHO HAVE BACKED THE GENOCIDE OF 100s OF THOUSANDS OF AFRICANS BY AFRICAN MUSLIMS THE MEN ARE KILLED IN HORRIBLE WAYS THE WOMEN ARE BEATEN RAPED AND SODEMIZED AND THE CHILDREN ARE HACKED TO PIECES BY THE MILITARY BACKED MILITIA THE JANJAWEED. THE KILLING HAS BEEN GOING ON FOR YEARS WITH NO OUTSIDE INTERVENTION FROM THE WORLD GOVERNMENTS. ITS A SIGNAL THAT NO ONE CARES ABOUT AFRICAN GENOCIDE WE ARE EXTERMINATING OUR SELVES WITH THE BLESSINGS OF THE WORLD |
| BEST SOURCE OF INFORMATION ON DARFUR IS BBC WORLD NEWS |
|
War of the Gods
By Jerry Pittman
| The best servant is the one who does not know the lord he serves |
| Their fear shall keep them ignorant and their ignorance shall keep them living in fear |
| The most easily enslaved are those who WILLINGLY enslaves themselves |
| Their strength is their weakness. Their weakness is their faith |
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| Who Are the Janjaweed? A guide to the Sudanese militiamen. By Brendan I. Koerner Updated Tuesday, July 19, 2005, at 3:50 PM ET Much of the violence in Sudan, which has created over 1 million refugees, has been attributed to militias known as the Janjaweed. Who are the Janjaweed? The word, an Arabic colloquialism, means "a man with a gun on a horse." Janjaweed militiamen are primarily members of nomadic "Arab" tribes who've long been at odds with Darfur's settled "African" farmers, who are darker- skinned. (The labels Arab and African are rather misleading, given the complexity of the region's ethnic history. For simplicity's sake, Explainer will stick with these inelegant terms.) Until 2003, the conflicts were mostly over Darfur's scarce water and land resources—desertification has been a serious problem, so grazing areas and wells are at a premium. In fact, the term "Janjaweed" has for years been synonymous with bandit, as these horse- or camel-borne fighters were known to swoop in on non-Arab farms to steal cattle. The Janjaweed started to become much more aggressive in 2003, after two non-Arab groups, the Sudan Liberation Army and the Justice and Equality Movement, took up arms against the Sudanese government, alleging mistreatment by the Arab regime in Khartoum. In response to the uprising, the Janjaweed militias began pillaging towns and villages inhabited by members of the African tribes from which the rebel armies draw their strength—the Zaghawa, Masalit, and Fur tribes. (This conflict is entirely separate from the 22-year-old civil war that has pitted the Muslim government against Christian and animist rebels in the country's southern region. The Janjaweed, who inhabit western Sudan, have nothing to do with that war.) |
| Both victims and international observers allege that the Janjaweed are no longer the scrappy militias of yore, but rather well-equipped fighting forces that enjoy the overt assistance of the Sudanese government. In testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in June 2004, a field researcher with Human Rights Watch stated that the Sudanese army was openly recruiting horse-owning Arab men, promising them a gun and a monthly salary of $116 in exchange for joining a Janjaweed cohort. The International Crisis Group says that money that gets paid to the Janjaweed "comes directly from booty captured in raids on villages," giving them an additional incentive to act with extreme brutality. There are numerous reports from international aid workers maintaining that Janjaweed raids are preceded by aerial bombardments by the Sudanese air force, that Janjaweed commanders are living in government garrison towns, and that Janjaweed militiamen wear combat fatigues identical to those of the regular army. Those who've interviewed refugees from Darfur also allege that Janjaweed commanders are using racism as a rallying point, encouraging their charges to rape the dark-skinned villagers they encounter during their raids. The Sudanese government has strongly denied offering any support to the Janjaweed. |
|
Sudan 'begins new Darfur attacks' | ||||||
The AU said the ground and air offensive was a flagrant violation of security agreements.
It said there had been a heavy toll on a civilian population. Rebels in the area said 70 people had died.
Earlier, Sudan welcomed the UN's support for AU peacekeepers in Darfur but denied the UN will take command.
The AU said in a statement that Birmaza, a much fought over village in Darfur, had been subject to ground and aerial assault.
The statement said there had been heavy casualties among the civilian population, but gave no figures.
Rebels in the area said the government troops and Arab militia were continuing on Saturday to burn villages and loot cattle.
So far there has been no official reaction from the government in Khartoum.
'No UN troops'
The AU statement comes only days after the Sudanese government welcomed the UN's support to strengthen the AU peacekeeping mission in Darfur.
UN Secretary General Kofi Annan said on Thursday after talks on Darfur in Ethiopia's capital, Addis Ababa, that a compromise had been reached for a hybrid UN-AU force in Sudan's western region.
But Sudanese Foreign Minister Lam Akol said shortly afterwards that "there should be no talk about a mixed force" and that there would be no UN troops in Darfur.
Mr Akol said that the UN would simply provide technical support.
Khartoum has always rejected plans to replace the AU force with a larger, stronger UN mission.
Violence has intensified despite a peace deal in May between the government and one of the Darfur rebel groups.
UN humanitarian chief Jan Egeland has cut short his trip to Darfur after Sudan's government told him it would be too dangerous for him to travel outside the region's major towns.
Mr Egeland said on Saturday the international community should not drag its heals over implementing the Darfur deal, warning that more people would die in the region.
He said that leaders "from all over the world... swore to protect civilian populations. We have a responsibility to protect. We are not living up to that responsibility in Darfur today.
"I met... yesterday women [in Darfur] who were pleading for security, who said we are abused, we are raped, we are attacked and nobody seems to want to protect us," Mr Egeland said.
Violence spreads
A further possible area of disagreement on the peacekeeping mission is the size of the new force.
The UN also wants a force of 17,000 troops, while Sudan says 12,000 would be enough.
There are currently some 7,000 AU troops in Darfur.
Sudan has always said that the problems in Darfur are being exaggerated for political reasons.
It denies backing Arab Janjaweed militias, which are accused of genocide against Darfur's black African population.
Sudan says the militias are being disarmed but reports from Darfur say the army is working with the Janjaweed to destroy villages.
More than 200,000 people have died in three years of conflict in the region.
About three million have fled their homes | ||||||
I met... women [in Darfur] who were pleading for security, who said we are abused, we are raped, we are attacked and nobody seems to want to protect us 
VIDEO AND AUDIO NEWS
|
No deal in Africa's Darfur talks | |||
A Libyan official said the leaders rejected pressure on Sudan to accept international peacekeepers. The UN Security Council is to meet on Wednesday to discuss plans for the UN to help African Union troops in Darfur. A BBC correspondent says the Libya meeting did see an agreement to ease tension between Chad and Sudan. A similar agreement was reached earlier this year. The two countries accuse each other of backing rebel groups but the BBC's Rana Jawad in Tripoli says their leaders agreed to respect a truce. There has been a sharp increase in violence in eastern Chad in the past month, with Chad accusing Sudan of sending pro-government militias across the border from Darfur.
The leaders of Sudan, Chad, the Central African Republic (CAR), Egypt and Eritrea attended the talks in Libya. "They want an African solution to their problems without external intervention and without putting pressure on Sudan," said Libya's head of African affairs Ali Triki. He did not mention the issue of how large the peacekeeping force should be. There are currently 7,000 African Union troops. Sudan is happy for this to be increased to 12,000 but the UN is pushing for 17,000. Last week, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan said that a compromise had been reached for a hybrid UN-AU force in Sudan's western region. But Sudanese Foreign Minister Lam Akol said shortly afterwards that "there should be no talk about a mixed force" and that there would be no UN troops in Darfur. Mr Akol said that the UN would simply provide technical support. | |||
ert Zoellick, the current US deputy secretary of state, paid a more cordial visit to Sudan and made every effort to avoid using that signifier for
intervention. His silence gave voice to a meaningful change in the US approach to Sudan - Washington's position has drifted from contained activism
to strategic indifference on the crisis in Darfur. This disengagement has shifted the responsibility for resolving the crisis to the United Nations,
European Union and NATO.
Once the leading force in pushing for sanctions against Khartoum and peacekeeping intervention forces in Darfur, Washington has reassessed the
situation and no longer sees the need to project any strong opinions. The Bush administration actively inserted itself into the north-south peace
negotiations by sending John Danforth as a special envoy to Sudan.
Once it became clear in 2003 that Khartoum's crackdown on rebel groups and civilians in Darfur might pose a threat to the north-south
dialogue, Washington quickly became the leading international force pushing for a resolution. However, even this activist approach
was contained by geopolitical realities elsewhere: The war in Iraq began to go badly, the transatlantic dialogue was in disrepair, China's
fear of losing access to Sudanese oil and Russia's nausea at endorsing any action that would threaten the state's sovereignty - partly
due to Sudan being a major recipient of Russian military equipment - effectively blocked any robust response from the UN Security
Council, and Washington's commitment to north-south negotiations prevented it from taking any measures that might scuttle the
long-delayed resolution.
In this environment, Washington was unable to find a compromise solution to the killings in Darfur other than a series of weak UN resolutions and the
introduction of a small, uncoordinated peacekeeping mission from the African Union with a mandate so confining as to make the mission's success
impossible. Since the end of 2004, several factors have shifted that have made Washington's contained activist role largely unsustainable.
There are three main reasons for Washington's shift toward indifference on the crisis in Darfur. First, the north-south peace agreement has been
signed and the southern rebels have integrated themselves into the government in Khartoum, suturing the south's rebuilding to the vitality of
Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir's government. Second, the UN voted to endorse an investigation of 51 of Darfur's suspected war criminals
to the International Criminal Court, with which the Bush administration refuses to cooperate. However, it is Khartoum's cooperation with Washington's
``war on terrorism'' that may have pushed the Bush administration into the position of having no position on Darfur.
intervention. His silence gave voice to a meaningful change in the US approach to Sudan - Washington's position has drifted from contained activism
to strategic indifference on the crisis in Darfur. This disengagement has shifted the responsibility for resolving the crisis to the United Nations,
European Union and NATO.
Once the leading force in pushing for sanctions against Khartoum and peacekeeping intervention forces in Darfur, Washington has reassessed the
situation and no longer sees the need to project any strong opinions. The Bush administration actively inserted itself into the north-south peace
negotiations by sending John Danforth as a special envoy to Sudan.
Once it became clear in 2003 that Khartoum's crackdown on rebel groups and civilians in Darfur might pose a threat to the north-south
dialogue, Washington quickly became the leading international force pushing for a resolution. However, even this activist approach
was contained by geopolitical realities elsewhere: The war in Iraq began to go badly, the transatlantic dialogue was in disrepair, China's
fear of losing access to Sudanese oil and Russia's nausea at endorsing any action that would threaten the state's sovereignty - partly
due to Sudan being a major recipient of Russian military equipment - effectively blocked any robust response from the UN Security
Council, and Washington's commitment to north-south negotiations prevented it from taking any measures that might scuttle the
long-delayed resolution.
In this environment, Washington was unable to find a compromise solution to the killings in Darfur other than a series of weak UN resolutions and the
introduction of a small, uncoordinated peacekeeping mission from the African Union with a mandate so confining as to make the mission's success
impossible. Since the end of 2004, several factors have shifted that have made Washington's contained activist role largely unsustainable.
There are three main reasons for Washington's shift toward indifference on the crisis in Darfur. First, the north-south peace agreement has been
signed and the southern rebels have integrated themselves into the government in Khartoum, suturing the south's rebuilding to the vitality of
Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir's government. Second, the UN voted to endorse an investigation of 51 of Darfur's suspected war criminals
to the International Criminal Court, with which the Bush administration refuses to cooperate. However, it is Khartoum's cooperation with Washington's
``war on terrorism'' that may have pushed the Bush administration into the position of having no position on Darfur.
